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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Intelligence Agencies and the Implementation of Public Diplomacy within the Framework of Cognitive Warfare</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Intelligence Agencies and the Implementation of Public Diplomacy within the Framework of Cognitive Warfare</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>25</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>55</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">233977</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Saeed</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sasanian</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty member of the International Studies Research Institute Abrar Moaser Tehran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-3672-9998</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>11</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>In cognitive warfare, an actor targets the beliefs, convictions, values, norms, and cognitive frameworks of the people, elites, and officials of the adversary state. Part of this struggle is entirely covert in nature. Accordingly, intelligence agencies strive to employ methods that, in advancing cognitive warfare, are both feasible in achieving objectives and compatible with the requirements of operational secrecy. Public diplomacy is one such method. The fundamental question, therefore, is: What are the characteristics of public diplomacy employed by intelligence agencies within the framework of cognitive warfare against an adversary?&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The hypothesis proposed in response to this question is that, given the covert nature of intelligence agencies, this secrecy governs all components and stages of public diplomacy. Specifically, considering the predominantly defensive and counteractive objectives of these agencies, the selection of audiences and the formulation of messages in public diplomacy are influenced by this defensive approach. The hypothesis is examined through data collected from library sources using a descriptive and analytical approach.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Answering this question aims to situate public diplomacy within the functional system of intelligence agencies, thereby making the cognitive warfare conducted by adversaries against the Islamic Republic of Iran more comprehensible. The findings indicate that public diplomacy employed by intelligence agencies differs from that conducted by non-intelligence organizations and institutions in terms of objectives, type of information, nature of messages, methods of message transmission, target audiences, as well as the type and geographic scope of actions, due to the agencies’ distinct mission and nature.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">In cognitive warfare, an actor targets the beliefs, convictions, values, norms, and cognitive frameworks of the people, elites, and officials of the adversary state. Part of this struggle is entirely covert in nature. Accordingly, intelligence agencies strive to employ methods that, in advancing cognitive warfare, are both feasible in achieving objectives and compatible with the requirements of operational secrecy. Public diplomacy is one such method. The fundamental question, therefore, is: What are the characteristics of public diplomacy employed by intelligence agencies within the framework of cognitive warfare against an adversary?&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The hypothesis proposed in response to this question is that, given the covert nature of intelligence agencies, this secrecy governs all components and stages of public diplomacy. Specifically, considering the predominantly defensive and counteractive objectives of these agencies, the selection of audiences and the formulation of messages in public diplomacy are influenced by this defensive approach. The hypothesis is examined through data collected from library sources using a descriptive and analytical approach.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Answering this question aims to situate public diplomacy within the functional system of intelligence agencies, thereby making the cognitive warfare conducted by adversaries against the Islamic Republic of Iran more comprehensible. The findings indicate that public diplomacy employed by intelligence agencies differs from that conducted by non-intelligence organizations and institutions in terms of objectives, type of information, nature of messages, methods of message transmission, target audiences, as well as the type and geographic scope of actions, due to the agencies’ distinct mission and nature.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">public diplomacy</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">covert action</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.spba.ir/article_233977_dd6d33eadab6815c8fb51773a7c6597c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Impact of Opportunities and Challenges of Artificial Intelligence on Countries&#039; Soft Power</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Impact of Opportunities and Challenges of Artificial Intelligence on Countries&#039; Soft Power</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>57</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>83</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">234142</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Jahandar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Amiri</LastName>
<Affiliation>University faculty</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0002-7951-6300</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>This article examines the role of artificial intelligence as a novel tool in the soft power of nations. The main objective is to analyze the opportunities and challenges associated with this technology in the realm of international relations. The central research question is: How can artificial intelligence effectively strengthen a country&#039;s soft power, and what measures should be taken to manage the challenges associated with its use? The research methodology employs a qualitative approach and a mixed-methods strategy, including systematic document analysis and in-depth semi-structured interviews. In this context, numerous opportunities and challenges have been identified. With its capabilities in data analysis, content generation, and communication personalization, artificial intelligence can serve as a powerful tool for advancing the soft power goals of countries. However, concerns regarding privacy, data security, and ethical issues related to artificial intelligence algorithms are among the significant challenges.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The findings of this research indicate that artificial intelligence can contribute to increasing the attractiveness and influence of countries globally in various fields such as public diplomacy, culture, education, and tourism. However, responsible and effective use of this technology requires attention to ethical and social challenges and the development of appropriate strategies. This article can help policymakers, researchers, and practitioners in the field of international relations to better understand the role of artificial intelligence in soft power.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">This article examines the role of artificial intelligence as a novel tool in the soft power of nations. The main objective is to analyze the opportunities and challenges associated with this technology in the realm of international relations. The central research question is: How can artificial intelligence effectively strengthen a country&#039;s soft power, and what measures should be taken to manage the challenges associated with its use? The research methodology employs a qualitative approach and a mixed-methods strategy, including systematic document analysis and in-depth semi-structured interviews. In this context, numerous opportunities and challenges have been identified. With its capabilities in data analysis, content generation, and communication personalization, artificial intelligence can serve as a powerful tool for advancing the soft power goals of countries. However, concerns regarding privacy, data security, and ethical issues related to artificial intelligence algorithms are among the significant challenges.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The findings of this research indicate that artificial intelligence can contribute to increasing the attractiveness and influence of countries globally in various fields such as public diplomacy, culture, education, and tourism. However, responsible and effective use of this technology requires attention to ethical and social challenges and the development of appropriate strategies. This article can help policymakers, researchers, and practitioners in the field of international relations to better understand the role of artificial intelligence in soft power.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">: Artificial Intelligence</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Soft power</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">public diplomacy</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Deepfakes</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.spba.ir/article_234142_1b57c564dac7fc102eede8e4ba00a039.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Scientific elites and new technologies as sources of soft power for the Islamic Republic of Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Scientific elites and new technologies as sources of soft power for the Islamic Republic of Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>7</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>23</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">234085</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amirali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ketabi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Theology and Religions, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-9347-0201</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>11</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Soft power, as one of the main components of national power in the knowledge-based era, plays a decisive role in enhancing the status of countries in the international system. In this framework, science, technology, and scientific elites, as strategic sources of soft power, can increase the attractiveness, legitimacy, and spiritual influence of countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran has created capacities to strengthen its soft power by focusing on producing science, training elites, and developing new technologies in areas such as nanotechnology, biotechnology, aerospace, and knowledge-based companies.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;This article analyzes the role of scientific elites and new technologies in enhancing Iran&#039;s international image by utilizing Joseph Nye&#039;s soft power theory, Pierre Bourdieu&#039;s symbolic capital theory, and the framework of science diplomacy. The research method is qualitative and based on documentary analysis, and data were collected from scientific sources, official reports, and reliable databases.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The findings show that Iran&#039;s scientific elites, by producing indigenous knowledge, international scientific interactions, and participating in global scientific forums, can act as informal ambassadors of soft power. By playing a role in scientific narrative, cultural-civilizational modeling, and developing a knowledge-based economy, they provide capacities for a positive image of Iran at the regional and global levels. However, the realization of these roles is conditional on addressing challenges such as elite migration, weak media narrative, lack of coherent policy in scientific diplomacy, and the disconnect between elites and policymakers.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Soft power, as one of the main components of national power in the knowledge-based era, plays a decisive role in enhancing the status of countries in the international system. In this framework, science, technology, and scientific elites, as strategic sources of soft power, can increase the attractiveness, legitimacy, and spiritual influence of countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran has created capacities to strengthen its soft power by focusing on producing science, training elites, and developing new technologies in areas such as nanotechnology, biotechnology, aerospace, and knowledge-based companies.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;This article analyzes the role of scientific elites and new technologies in enhancing Iran&#039;s international image by utilizing Joseph Nye&#039;s soft power theory, Pierre Bourdieu&#039;s symbolic capital theory, and the framework of science diplomacy. The research method is qualitative and based on documentary analysis, and data were collected from scientific sources, official reports, and reliable databases.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The findings show that Iran&#039;s scientific elites, by producing indigenous knowledge, international scientific interactions, and participating in global scientific forums, can act as informal ambassadors of soft power. By playing a role in scientific narrative, cultural-civilizational modeling, and developing a knowledge-based economy, they provide capacities for a positive image of Iran at the regional and global levels. However, the realization of these roles is conditional on addressing challenges such as elite migration, weak media narrative, lack of coherent policy in scientific diplomacy, and the disconnect between elites and policymakers.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Elites</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">new technology</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Republic of Iran</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.spba.ir/article_234085_e2b18897dfc4464ac57d2bcf9ffead9e.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>IRIB and soft war management; Solutions to improve political trust based on the three-pronged model</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>IRIB and soft war management; Solutions to improve political trust based on the three-pronged model</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>85</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>114</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">234151</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohsen</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rohani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Doctoral student of media management at Islamic Azad University of Damavand</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hamidreza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hoseinidana</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Processor,  faculty of Humanities and Arts,  Islamic  azad University,  damavand branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Bibi Sadat</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mir Esmaili</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Humanities and Arts, Islamic Azad University, Damavand Branch</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Omid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Jahanshahi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD in Media Management, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Unit</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali Akbar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Farhangi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Post Doctorate in Organizational Communication, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Unit</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Conducting research focusing on the role of radio and television in various fields is very important, especially in the field of political communication, because communication policies are a set of principles and norms intended to guide the functioning of information and communication systems, and nowadays, any policy making in media organizations requires consideration of other communication fields. . The purpose of this article is to present the solutions of the IRIB organization to promote political trust in order to increase the effectiveness of the national media in the management of soft war.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The statistical population includes scientific texts, documents and previous studies related to media trust building, as well as specialists in the field of media, sociology, and political science. The qualitative research methods such as thematic analysis and data collection tools from the documentary section of library studies, as well as in-depth interviews with 12 people of the experts in the defined fields. The results of the research findings show that the most important and necessary solution of the IRIB in order to play an effective role in enhancing the political trust of the society (from the general level to the specific level) is professionalism, which is the main component with some other sub-components including professional organization (organizational factors), Professional independence (environmental factors) and powerful forces (individual factors) are related in the IRIB and society.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Conducting research focusing on the role of radio and television in various fields is very important, especially in the field of political communication, because communication policies are a set of principles and norms intended to guide the functioning of information and communication systems, and nowadays, any policy making in media organizations requires consideration of other communication fields. . The purpose of this article is to present the solutions of the IRIB organization to promote political trust in order to increase the effectiveness of the national media in the management of soft war.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The statistical population includes scientific texts, documents and previous studies related to media trust building, as well as specialists in the field of media, sociology, and political science. The qualitative research methods such as thematic analysis and data collection tools from the documentary section of library studies, as well as in-depth interviews with 12 people of the experts in the defined fields. The results of the research findings show that the most important and necessary solution of the IRIB in order to play an effective role in enhancing the political trust of the society (from the general level to the specific level) is professionalism, which is the main component with some other sub-components including professional organization (organizational factors), Professional independence (environmental factors) and powerful forces (individual factors) are related in the IRIB and society.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">political trust</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Soft War</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">IRIB</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Three-pronged model</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.spba.ir/article_234151_6ab00a4d6765d9e872b47d02a207c177.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Narrative Politics and Revolutionary Diplomacy: A Comparative Inquiry into Soft Power in Contemporary Revolutions</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Narrative Politics and Revolutionary Diplomacy: A Comparative Inquiry into Soft Power in Contemporary Revolutions</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>115</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>130</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">247523</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hosseinali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mehrnia</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Islamic Studies, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Soft power, understood as the capacity to persuade and attract, plays a decisive role in the survival and transnational influence of revolutions. This study seeks to examine the mechanisms of soft power in contemporary revolutions—namely the French, Russian, Chinese, and Iranian revolutions—by addressing the following question: how have these revolutions reproduced their normative appeal at the transnational level through “narrative politics” and “revolutionary diplomacy”? Employing a comparative method and a historical-sociological approach, the article argues that revolutionary soft power is not merely the product of material instruments, but rather the outcome of revolutionary systems’ ability to formulate a “liberatory narrative” and project it through revolutionary diplomacy. The findings demonstrate that, despite differences in ideological foundations, all four revolutions have been able to create a basis for non-coercive influence by drawing on symbolism, identity construction, and the presentation of an “alternative to the existing order.” Nevertheless, differences in the nature of these narratives—secular-modern versus religious-civilizational—have resulted in variation in the durability and scope of acceptance of their soft power. Ultimately, the article shows that revolutionary diplomacy, as the driving force of narrative politics, connects the internal values of a revolution with transnational public opinion, and that the continuity of such soft power depends on the effectiveness of reproducing and updating these narratives</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Soft power, understood as the capacity to persuade and attract, plays a decisive role in the survival and transnational influence of revolutions. This study seeks to examine the mechanisms of soft power in contemporary revolutions—namely the French, Russian, Chinese, and Iranian revolutions—by addressing the following question: how have these revolutions reproduced their normative appeal at the transnational level through “narrative politics” and “revolutionary diplomacy”? Employing a comparative method and a historical-sociological approach, the article argues that revolutionary soft power is not merely the product of material instruments, but rather the outcome of revolutionary systems’ ability to formulate a “liberatory narrative” and project it through revolutionary diplomacy. The findings demonstrate that, despite differences in ideological foundations, all four revolutions have been able to create a basis for non-coercive influence by drawing on symbolism, identity construction, and the presentation of an “alternative to the existing order.” Nevertheless, differences in the nature of these narratives—secular-modern versus religious-civilizational—have resulted in variation in the durability and scope of acceptance of their soft power. Ultimately, the article shows that revolutionary diplomacy, as the driving force of narrative politics, connects the internal values of a revolution with transnational public opinion, and that the continuity of such soft power depends on the effectiveness of reproducing and updating these narratives</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">transnational influence</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Identity Construction</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.spba.ir/article_247523_5a14e48c05f32dd6f91c097595ed176c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Analysis of the situation and counter policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the cognitive war in the field of sovereignty according to the orders of the Supreme Leader</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Analysis of the situation and counter policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the cognitive war in the field of sovereignty according to the orders of the Supreme Leader</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage></FirstPage>
			<LastPage></LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">234242</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahmoud</FirstName>
					<LastName>Keshavarz</LastName>
<Affiliation>University of Islamic maaref</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-9672-2224</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its anti-arrogance nature, unique geopolitical position, and adherence to revolutionary ideals, has consistently been at the focal point of adversaries&#039; Cognitive Warfare. This research was conducted to answer the question: &quot;What is the status of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the governance sphere considering the complexities of the battleground in cognitive warfare?&quot; Following this, it aims to explain effective counter-policies based on the thought system of the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Khamenei).&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;This is an applied, exploratory, and future-oriented study, implemented through the method of qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis of the Supreme Leader&#039;s statements from February 2019 (the commencement of the Second Phase of the Revolution) up to the present.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The findings indicate that the enemy, utilizing multi-layered strategies—including weakening the position of the Leadership, casting doubt on the regime’s legitimacy, instilling managerial inefficiency, and identity separatism—seeks to disrupt the calculative apparatus of the society and the elite. In response, the Islamic Republic&#039;s key strategy is based on rational-revolutionary reconstruction, initiating transformation in national management, and strengthening young human capital.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The novelty of this research lies in formulating an indigenous SWOT matrix for the governance sphere, structured around four main axes: Negative Countermeasures against Enemy Infiltration, Strengthening Sustainable Security through National Unity, Reviving Social Responsibility, and Improving System Efficiency with a Populist Approach.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The results underscore the necessity of strategic vigilance, increasing national resilience (Tavānbordi), and designing</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its anti-arrogance nature, unique geopolitical position, and adherence to revolutionary ideals, has consistently been at the focal point of adversaries&#039; Cognitive Warfare. This research was conducted to answer the question: &quot;What is the status of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the governance sphere considering the complexities of the battleground in cognitive warfare?&quot; Following this, it aims to explain effective counter-policies based on the thought system of the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Khamenei).&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;This is an applied, exploratory, and future-oriented study, implemented through the method of qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis of the Supreme Leader&#039;s statements from February 2019 (the commencement of the Second Phase of the Revolution) up to the present.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The findings indicate that the enemy, utilizing multi-layered strategies—including weakening the position of the Leadership, casting doubt on the regime’s legitimacy, instilling managerial inefficiency, and identity separatism—seeks to disrupt the calculative apparatus of the society and the elite. In response, the Islamic Republic&#039;s key strategy is based on rational-revolutionary reconstruction, initiating transformation in national management, and strengthening young human capital.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The novelty of this research lies in formulating an indigenous SWOT matrix for the governance sphere, structured around four main axes: Negative Countermeasures against Enemy Infiltration, Strengthening Sustainable Security through National Unity, Reviving Social Responsibility, and Improving System Efficiency with a Populist Approach.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The results underscore the necessity of strategic vigilance, increasing national resilience (Tavānbordi), and designing</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Cognitive warfare</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">confrontational policies</Param>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>basijasatid</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Soft power Studies</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5580</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>19</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Cultural Heritage as a Lever for Public Diplomacy: An Analysis of the Role of Tangible and Intangible Heritage in Enhancing the Soft Power of the Islamic Republic of Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Cultural Heritage as a Lever for Public Diplomacy: An Analysis of the Role of Tangible and Intangible Heritage in Enhancing the Soft Power of the Islamic Republic of Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage></FirstPage>
			<LastPage></LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">252614</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Darabi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Radio and Television of Iran, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Soft power, the ability to influence others through charm and persuasion rather than coercion or force, is one of the main pillars of modern foreign policy. The Islamic Republic of Iran, with its rich treasure trove of tangible (such as Persepolis, Isfahan, and historic mosques) and intangible (such as music, literature, and national celebrations) cultural heritage, has great potential to use this capacity in the international arena. This article, using a descriptive-analytical method, examines how cultural heritage can be transformed into a tool of public diplomacy and its role in improving Iran&#039;s image and increasing regional and global influence. The findings show that although the necessary infrastructure exists, weaknesses in cultural marketing, economic sanctions, and the lack of an integrated cultural diplomacy strategy have prevented the maximum exploitation of this soft power. The research results also indicate that effective utilization of cultural heritage capacities requires formulating a long-term strategy, strengthening digital diplomacy, active participation of the private sector, and establishing coordination between responsible institutions so that Iran can effectively utilize its cultural capital to enhance its international status and strengthen its soft power.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Soft power, the ability to influence others through charm and persuasion rather than coercion or force, is one of the main pillars of modern foreign policy. The Islamic Republic of Iran, with its rich treasure trove of tangible (such as Persepolis, Isfahan, and historic mosques) and intangible (such as music, literature, and national celebrations) cultural heritage, has great potential to use this capacity in the international arena. This article, using a descriptive-analytical method, examines how cultural heritage can be transformed into a tool of public diplomacy and its role in improving Iran&#039;s image and increasing regional and global influence. The findings show that although the necessary infrastructure exists, weaknesses in cultural marketing, economic sanctions, and the lack of an integrated cultural diplomacy strategy have prevented the maximum exploitation of this soft power. The research results also indicate that effective utilization of cultural heritage capacities requires formulating a long-term strategy, strengthening digital diplomacy, active participation of the private sector, and establishing coordination between responsible institutions so that Iran can effectively utilize its cultural capital to enhance its international status and strengthen its soft power.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Soft power</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Cultural heritage</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">public diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">cultural diplomacy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Tangible and Intangible Heritage, Tourism</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
